Victorian Goldfields
Permanent Delegation of Australia to UNESCO
Victoria
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Property names are listed in the language in which they have been submitted by the State Party
Description
001 Castlemaine Goldfields and Historic Townships: lat -37.07212, lon 144.25928
002 Creswick and the Deep Lead Landscape: lat 37.32277; lon 143.90433
003 Bendigo Historic Urban Landscape: lat -36.75798; lon 144.28017
004 Great Nuggets Historic Landscape: lat 36.76116; lon 143.65106
005 Walhalla Alpine Mining Landscape: lat 37.94024; lon 146.44942
006 Lalgambuk (Mt Franklin): lat -37.26550; lon 144.15047
Further components are being investigated and may also be considered for the series in the course of developing a nomination dossier, such as Ballarat Historic Urban Landscape, Beechworth Historic Township and Sluicing Landscape, and Whroo and the Balaclava Open Cut Mine.
Victorian Goldfields is a highly legible relict and associative cultural landscape that spans central and eastern Victoria in a series of rural and urban components that demonstrate nineteenth century gold rushes. These embody natural features and attributes - from the region’s First Peoples to diverse gold mining landscapes and settlements created by waves of migrants in successive gold rushes that took place in Victoria from 1851 onwards. No active mining is represented.
Victorian Goldfields comprises six component areas: 1. Castlemaine Goldfields and Historic Townships, with pre-eminent alluvial diggings of an early major gold rush in Victoria; 2. Creswick and the Deep Lead Landscape as an unparalleled example of this rare type of gold mining; 3. Bendigo Historic Urban Landscape as one of the world’s most notable gold rush cities; 4. Great Nuggets Historic Landscape which embraces diggings that yielded the greatest concentration of the largest gold nuggets the world had ever known; 5. Walhalla Alpine Mining Landscape with its steep topography that guided settlement centred on Victoria’s richest gold mine; and 6. Lalgambuk (Mt Franklin), an area that evidences Aboriginal connection to Country before, during and after the gold rushes. Further components are being investigated and may also be considered for the series in the course of developing a nomination dossier, such as Ballarat Historic Urban Landscape, Beechworth Historic Township and Sluicing Landscape, and Whroo and the Balaclava Open Cut Mine.
Traditional Owners
The Victorian gold rushes took place on the lands of First Peoples across the State of Victoria. The sites represented in this listing are on the Traditional Country of the Dja Dja Wurrung and Gunaikurnai peoples. Stories transmitted across generations recall natural features of special meaning for both male and female traditional owners, from ancient volcanic cones to water bodies, while widespread cultural markers include rock wells and scar trees. After tens of thousands of years of continuous occupation, colonial settlement of Victoria in the 1830s brought about dispossession, largely in the pursuit of agriculture, and failed ventures such as Aboriginal Protectorates. Another more sustained invasion from 1851, this time by migrant gold-seekers, transformed ancestral lands of dispossessed First Peoples into ‘Upside-down Country’ – a landscape that continues to heal, be managed and safeguarded in conjunction with Aboriginal communities which maintain ongoing connections to Country.
Geology and topography
The extent of the Victorian Goldfields is defined by an underlying geology that formerly hosted veins, or ‘reefs’, of gold-bearing quartz. These eroded to form ancient alluvial gold deposits in the region’s river valleys. Later, lava flowed into some of these river valleys, capping and sealing the gold deposits with basalt. Gold-bearing alluvium continued to accumulate at the surface levels, and these shallower deposits were those first identified in Victoria by First Peoples and immigrant prospectors during the gold rush. Their discovery also heralded the gold-bearing possibilities of the surrounding landscape. Such geological processes shaped the nature of mining in Victoria and defined its characteristic range of technologies as revealed by surface and shallow lead sites, deep lead landscapes, and quartz mines. Much of the property is spread across a region of dissected uplands characterised by undulating hills and valleys, areas of granite outcrops, and dormant volcanic cones rising out of a low relief landscape. Regenerating Box-Ironbark woodland represents a biome that was heavily impacted by gold mining activity.
Gold rush mining landscapes
Surface and shallow alluvial mining sites contain the greatest concentrations, on any historic goldfield, of preserved shallow alluvial shafts, together with small heaps of spoil, bush tracks, and the remains of huts. Ground sluicing, the remains of puddling machines originated in the Victorian Goldfields, water races, and dams, are commonplace, while subsequent hydraulic sluicing dramatically and permanently altered some entire hillsides.
Deep lead mining is marked by mullock heaps and tailings piles that punctuate a flat and expansive landscape overlooked by ancient volcanoes. Solitary remnants of steam-pumping engine houses stand beside deep shafts.
Quartz reef mines, from open cuts to underground workings, extend across the landscape and beneath cities and towns. Heaps of mining spoil, and the occasional headframe or chimney, are accompanied by tracks and tramways and relics of machinery. The legacy of the liberation of gold from quartz includes the remains of stamp batteries, roasting kilns, chlorination furnaces and cyanide vats, tailings dams and settling ponds.
On urban outskirts many relict diggings are preserved as Crown land historic reserves, regional, state, and national parks, and state forests. Characterised by regenerating bushland, they also contain subtle reminders of past occupation. Lone graves and abandoned burial grounds of gold seekers can be found next to shallow shafts, while fruit trees and introduced vegetation often indicate the remains of huts and small settlements.
Settlement pattern
An integral feature of this cultural landscape is the pattern of cities, towns, and other settlements established during successive and overlapping waves of gold rush migration. A unique contributing factor in this pattern of settlement was the large number of women and families who migrated, usually with the intent of seeking both gold and a permanent home.
Miners’ settlements — typically inhabited by men, women and children — located near the diggings began as haphazard groups of structures clustered around stream beds or vein outcrops. This led to unplanned, organic and sinuous street systems such as at Chewton and Maldon. Unstructured as they were, these communities were always domestic as well as industrial landscapes. Those arriving to the goldfields often furnished residences and planted gardens with sentimental materials brought from their homelands. This presence of women and home immediately challenged the sense of impermanence that was typical of previous rushes, such as California.
Soon after the rushes, government camps and police reserves were established in elevated areas overlooking the diggings, such as at Bendigo. More permanent government institutions were subsequently arranged in a planned street grid, one that still defines the core of the city today, as well as towns such as Castlemaine. Later, the ‘Miner’s Right’ enabled cottages to be built on a quarter-acre of land, defining the size and location of lots. In Walhalla, by contrast, topographical constraints meant that the settlement emerged within a cramped, narrow, steep mountain valley, without the formal street plan that defines many other gold rush settlements.
The growth of many goldfields settlements in Victoria was also tied to the presence of large numbers of women and children that accompanied their husbands and fathers to the goldfields, in contrast to other global gold rushes where conditions were starkly different. Family life often lent a sense of domestic familiarity to mining settlements and was a key aspect in their development into permanent towns and cities. Women and children were not solely relegated to the confines of home, as the frantic life of the goldfields allowed greater flexibility in social norms. Women were actively involved in commercial pursuits associated with gold fields, and many searched for gold and held Miner’s Rights in their own name. The presence of women and children is reflected by extant social infrastructure, the dedicated cemeteries, schools and surviving cottages, gardens and plantings.
The size and longevity of the Victorian Goldfields mining settlements reflected the nature and extent of their associated gold resources. The most successful, where profitable mining companies extended their activities into the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, contain a range of opulent Victorian boom-era civic buildings and other institutions. Cultural institutions, mining exchanges, post offices, banks, and theatres, line the grand boulevards of the goldrush towns and cities, reflecting the ambitions and optimism of some of the richest goldfields on earth.
Infrastructure
Large-scale infrastructure was constructed to establish crucial water supplies to the mines, and to the growing towns and cities of the Victorian Goldfields. The Coliban system, one of the world’s great mining water management systems with 75 kilometres of channel, is still in use today, while local food production serviced a spiralling inland population.
Gold rush routes likely followed Aboriginal paths across Country, possibly facilitated by Aboriginal guides and trackers who assisted the prospectors and miners; prolific Chinese migrants trekked thousands of kilometres to reach their ‘gold mountain’. Early roads formed the basis of transport and communication during the Victorian gold rush and prompted the intensification of regional colonial settlement. Railways were laid to the region’s most vibrant and profitable settlements, bringing a new phase of confident expansion while adding graceful viaducts and splendid station buildings to the rural and urban landscapes.
Multicultural development
Tangible reminders of diverse migrant cultures of the peoples that participated in the Victorian gold rush pervade this cultural landscape. Although migrants were largely British, evidence of the activities of other cultural groups on the goldfields, including those from Europe, vary from small culturally centred settlements to a wide variety of religious buildings, commonly grouped in precincts, to the remnants of specialised mining technology associated with the nationalities that imported them from their homelands. Those that attest to the significant Chinese goldfields’ community include various religious sites, cemetery architecture such as headstones and funerary burners, hut sites and former market gardens.
Landscape change
This is a landscape that has been fundamentally modified by gold mining and successive waves of mass migration. Visible impacts are many. The Box-Ironbark woodland ecosystem is largely limited to central Victoria, especially the Goldfields, and some areas deforested for mining activity are now regenerating in reserves and state or national parks. Less obvious, perhaps, is the impact of ‘sludge’, mining waste that clogged the region’s river beds and plains, fundamentally changing the hydrology of the region and covering the natural landscape by up to a metre in places. Traditional Owners refer to an ‘Upside-down Country’, a phrase aptly reflecting prolific damage and dislocation.
Justification of Outstanding Universal Value
Victorian Goldfields represents the most extensive, coherent, and best-surviving nineteenth century global gold rush landscape anywhere in the world. This landscape is evidenced by significant technological, social, and environmental characteristics which together form a serial cultural landscape comprising rural and urban components. These converged in the second half of the nineteenth century in one of the most significant and sensational gold rushes the world has ever witnessed. In the first decade of the Victorian Gold Rush, forty per cent of world gold production flowed from Victoria.
Gold was emplaced in Victoria during tectonic events hundreds of millions of years ago. Subsequent erosion revealed easily worked outcrops of gold in quartz, and a geographically spread network of alluvial gold exploited in surface or shallow ‘diggings’. In some parts, Australia’s most recent volcanism produced a distinctive new topography of flat lava fields that buried ancient ‘rivers of gold’ – the ‘deep leads’.
Gold was widely distributed across Aboriginal Country, a diverse cultural landscape which First Peoples have occupied, managed and practised culture on for millennia, such as at Lalgambuk (Mt Franklin). For these Traditional Custodians, the gold rush was a significant factor in dispossession and displacement, landscape devastation, and radically altered ecosystems. Their skills and deep knowledge of Country were, however, important to migrant gold-seekers. The engagement of First Peoples in the Victorian gold rush is distinctive and notable, from partaking in trade, working as guides and as Native Police, to searching for gold themselves, as they were forced to adapt to the influx of thousands of outsiders and upheaval and alienation from their lands.
Gold rushes are unprecedented events in world history, the principal era of the great international gold rushes being characterised by an overlapping succession of rushes from 1849 to 1900. These led to profound consequences in globalisation and represent a universal theme of mass migration motivated by economic opportunity. Triggered in 1851, the Victorian Gold Rush — itself comprised of multiple overlapping rushes during the second half of the nineteenth century — was the only major gold rush that predominantly comprised immigrants from overseas. Hundreds of thousands of migrants arrived in the first decade alone, including many women and children, who came by sea from Great Britain, China, continental Europe, the Americas and the Pacific Islands. The presence of women and children is a distinctive feature of the Victorian Goldfields impacting the nature of settlements and allowing for an examination of gender dynamics within the goldfields’ immigrant population. Gold-related migration continued for the remainder of the century. Surges of large, heterogeneous, and transient populations followed the shifting geography of gold strikes.
Castlemaine Diggings, scene of the 1852-54 Mount Alexander Gold Rush, was the first major goldfield in Australia to attract a huge influx of voluntary immigrants. Its landscape of ‘diggings’, now in Crown lands of regenerating Box-Ironbark Forest, provides exceptional testimony to the myriad small claims of the early-rush individual ‘miner-adventurer’ and eloquently captures the human gold rush spirit in material form. Elsewhere in the Victorian Goldfields, such as around Moliagul, gullies and flats yielded the greatest concentration of the largest gold nuggets the world had ever known, a formidable catalyst for hundreds of spontaneous rushes. The geographical spread of Victoria’s profitable gold deposits is evidenced by towns such as Walhalla.
Unusually, around eighty per cent of immigrants decided to stay. Many had intended to settle before they even arrived in Victoria, arriving with items of domesticity and an extended family network. An appealing settler environment was further sustained by the primacy of goldfields’ law and order, enshrined in memorialised sites and the achievement of the Miner’s Right, allowing for an inheritable home. Technological mining progress is evidenced by widespread shallow alluvial ‘diggings’ and hard rock open cuts such as at Castlemaine, through ‘deep-sinking’ in Creswick’s ‘deep leads’, to the deep reefs of Bendigo, Maldon, and Walhalla. The 1870s marked an engineering milestone in the greatest concentration of deep mine shafts in the southern hemisphere, in fact, at Bendigo, the deepest of any gold mines, worldwide.
Transient camps of gold-seekers were succeeded by a polycentric settlement pattern and linked infrastructure determined by the location, richness, and ‘permanency’ of gold. A mosaic of rural gold townships reveals distinctive urban plans and outstanding architectural ensembles. The mining centre of Bendigo is distinguished by new grid-plans, wide boulevards, and a proliferation of archetypal gold rush public and domestic buildings and survives as some of the finest and most architecturally notable historic gold cities in the world. Bendigo, in its architectural splendour, represents rapidly established cities where substantial public and domestic buildings in the grand Victorian colonial style were built in a prolifically short period – a distinct feature of the Victorian gold rushes.
Criterion (iv): Victorian Goldfields is a cultural landscape that reflects the entire functional assemblage of one of the world’s most significant gold rushes and historic gold-producing provinces. The landscape binds exceptional technological ensembles and distinctive gold rush public and domestic architecture in an evolved series of interrelated systems. It represents the most extensive, coherent, and best-surviving landscape, anywhere, that illustrates the global gold rush phenomenon of the second half of the nineteenth century. Fifty years of spontaneous and voluntary mass migrations across the world prompted an unprecedented increase in gold production, a significant stage which profoundly affected the course of human history.
The cultural landscape embraces geological, topographical, and biogeographical diversity. The enduring imprint of First Peoples as traditional owners of the land represent the oldest cultural layer.
An exemplar gold rush landscape is set within a broader mosaic of agriculture and forest. Shallow alluvial workings and ephemeral diggers’ camps, more extensive and better-preserved than in any other historic goldfield, are complemented by early and dramatic open cuts on quartz reefs (veins) that retain exceptional authenticity. A rare and unparalleled system of ancient alluvial deposits buried by basalt lava flows (‘deep leads’) is marked in the open agricultural landscape by ruins of massive beam-pumping engine houses and their attendant geological triptych of waste heaps, such as north of Creswick. Evidence of progressive and highly capitalised quartz-reef mines may be seen in Bendigo, Walhalla and Maldon, while ore-processing sites contain well preserved evidence of comparatively rare processing typologies, such as the quartz-roasting kilns and puddling mills evolved and applied on an exceptional scale. Ancillary structures include Government-owned small stamp batteries and gunpowder magazines.
A pattern of settlements spanning grand cities, mid-size towns and smaller outposts, linked by new transport networks, reflects the shifting geography, longevity, and economic impact of gold output, and its social infrastructure. The rapid migration and spread of people were accompanied by new forms of tenure such as the Miner’s Right. This was established in Victoria in 1855 following protests and rebellion and, in addition to the right to prospect for gold, also carried hard-won voting rights and property rights which led to distinctive residential allotment and building typologies. The ‘goldfields commons’ were established to allow miners and non-property owners to graze animals, while timber reserves were established to protect forests from being cleared for settlement as timber was needed for mine props, buildings, and fuel. Such forest reserves mostly survive as public land.
Late-Victorian colonial architecture is distinguished by archetypal ‘gold rush’ building functions, such as gold warden’s offices, treasuries, and banks (notably some with integral smelters and their distinctive tall chimney stacks), grand post and telegraph offices, mining exchanges, mining schools and mechanics’ institutes, courthouses, police stations and gaols, together with housing from the miner’s cottage to the magnate’s mansion. Hospitals were established in the first decades of the gold rush. As the gold population grew older, the need emerged for institutions such as benevolent asylums for the aged, infirm and destitute. Buildings dedicated to these needs can be seen in varying forms, and levels of grandeur, across the goldfields.
Water supply schemes were established, providing water for drinking and sanitation as well as mining, agricultural and industrial purposes. The 75 km-long Coliban, from Malmsbury to Castlemaine and Bendigo, ranks among the world’s great mining water management systems, exhibiting great engineering skill.
Formative social and political processes directly related to the goldfields, such as the establishment of the Miner’s Right (1851-55), are elucidated at places associated with events including the Red Ribbon Rebellion (Bendigo), and the Monster Meeting (Chewton).
Early mixed ethnicities, cultures and religions arising from gold rush migrations are reflected in the diggings, as well as the churches, chapels, cemeteries, temples and gardens; moreover, Chinese community processions held in goldfield towns to support charity work have been part of the goldfields’ cultural traditions since the 1870s.
Historical social infrastructure, such as sports grounds, art galleries, theatres and concert halls, is an imperative cultural marker of the goldfields; the new colony increasing its population nearly seven-fold between 1851 to 1861, with this population doubling again between 1860 and 1900.
Criterion (vi): Victorian Goldfields is directly and tangibly associated with the transnational phenomenon of gold rushes that date from 1849-1900, including the outcomes of mass migration by men, women and families and an unprecedented increase in global gold production. These events are of outstanding universal significance, as much social and cultural turning points as they are economic. The Victorian Gold Rush was triggered in 1851, two years after the Californian Gold Rush; almost simultaneously causing some of the most concentrated domestic and international migrations in the history of their respective countries and redirecting the technologies of global communication and transportation. Spontaneous, overlapping mass-migrations of individual gold-seekers led to an unprecedented increase in global gold production, generating as much gold in just fifty years as was mined in the previous three millennia.
The Victorian Gold Rush was the first major immigrant-led gold rush in the British Empire, and the first on such a scale in Oceania. It became the model for subsequent rushes, and associated developments in mining technology, that spanned the entire second half of the nineteenth century - in British Columbia (Canada), Colorado (USA), New Zealand, Queensland (Australia), South Africa, Western Australia (Australia), and the Klondike-Yukon (Canada).
Gold was a democratic mineral, the possession of the legitimate finder. Gold was able to fund the rapid development of ‘instant’ cities, sophisticated towns, and comprehensive infrastructure in remote territory in a very short space of time. Gold rushes are also directly associated with intangibles of a young and often radical immigrant population who wanted a democratic way of life, as illustrated by high home ownership, family formation, and the development of cultural institutions in goldfields towns.
The monumental scale and richness of the Victorian Goldfields represented a turning point for the British Empire and influenced the trajectory of the emerging nations of Australia and New Zealand, establishing important capital cities that became conduits for the gold trade. Most gold found its way as bullion to London, a leading centre in an increasingly globalised world based on a truly international gold standard. Victorian gold not only helped to sustain the British Empire but provided the metallic basis for a great credit expansion to bankroll a spectacular period of world trade, industrial and commercial expansion.
Consistent with the global gold rush phenomenon, however, associated negative consequences include the dispossession and displacement of Indigenous peoples, racial discrimination, and devastating environmental impacts.
Statements of authenticity and/or integrity
Authenticity
Victorian Goldfields is a cultural landscape that was rapidly transformed from a predominantly pastoral and forest landscape, populated by First Peoples and relatively few colonial settlers, to a gold mining landscape populated by a massive surge of immigrant gold-seekers, including significant numbers of women and children intent on settlement. Component parts, taken together, provide an overall geographical cohesion in terms of their historical landscape pattern and interrelationships, broadly from the period 1850-1900.
Key elements that are part of wider social and technical systems, ranging from the built form of towns and cities to the sites of former mines, have high authenticity in relation to their form (as archaeological sites and as architectural structures), design and materials, and have been clearly identified and dated as a result of longstanding research and recording, especially by more recent intensive survey. Elements are further sustained by the comparatively high authenticity of historical character of location and setting which lends itself to an authentic experience in terms of spirit and feeling.
Continued use and function of historical settlements, though modified compared to the gold rush period, is sustained to a comparatively high level, especially in the more densely populated urban centres, reflecting the tradition of an unusually high level of settlement during and following the nineteenth-century gold rush.
Authenticity is verified by exceptional records held in archives, libraries and art galleries in Victoria and elsewhere.
Integrity
Victorian Goldfields is a serial cultural landscape which illustrates the technological, social and environmental character and consequences of one of the world’s largest gold rushes.
The boundaries of component parts are drawn according to the rationale of a cultural landscape, aware of the need for contextualisation and to encompass functional, spatial and historical integrity and linkages. Six component areas include all attributes necessary to demonstrate proposed Outstanding Universal Value.
The overall landscape pattern reflects the spatially discontinuous distribution and landscape character of the best-surviving goldfields that were discovered in successive rushes. Specific landscapes include geological, topographical diversity and corresponding technological responses, each making a particular contribution to the overall integrity of the nominated property. These landscapes were rushed at different times with differing outcomes that include a range of environmental and social transformations, over a timeframe between 1850 to 1900. This resulted in both positive and negative impacts. Also included is a full range of the most significant associated gold rush and gold mining settlements that illustrate the way a pattern of rural gold towns and ‘instant cities’ developed from the rapid wealth accumulation from gold mining. These settlements also evidence the impacts of women and children in the Goldfields, a social landscape unique to the Victorian Goldfields.
All component parts and their elements are in fair-good condition. All coordinate points are in public ownership with some level of public viewing or access available. The component parts do not suffer from adverse effects of development, and threats are mostly confined to bush fires with a number of areas falling within the Bushfire Management Overlay. No new mining is permitted. The longstanding removal, as secondary aggregate, of quartz pebbles and sand from the waste heaps of degraded Deep Lead sites in the buffer zone is almost at an end. Recreational gold prospecting and ‘fossicking’ is not classed as active industrial mining and is popular in Victoria. This small-scale individual’s pursuit is strictly licenced, in designated areas only, under the tradition of the Miner’s Right traceable to 1855. Only hand tools such as pick, shovel, sieve, pan and metal detector are allowed and disturbance to any Aboriginal place, historic place or archaeological site is strictly prohibited. Damage to any tree or shrub is also prohibited and any disturbance to the ground must be re-covered prior to leaving the search area.
Comparison with other similar properties
National comparisons
There are no national properties that are closely comparable to Victorian Goldfields, yet there are three that are partly comparable: New South Wales Goldfields that correspond with the gold rushes from 1851; the Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia (notably Kalgoorlie-Coolgardie region) and the gold rushes of the 1890s; and Charters Towers Goldfield, Queensland, triggered by a gold rush from 1871 onwards. Each in a British colonial context, they share a close relationship in goldfields administration, licencing, and law and order, and an integral social relationship between rushes. In a colonial Australian context, they share aspects of urban layout and architectural form and style, albeit influenced by respective chronology.
New South Wales (NSW) Goldfields arose from gold rushes in the west, south and north of Sydney, and therefore share with Victorian Goldfields the regional geography of southeast Australia. They also share a similar topography, climate, and rainfall with the eastern Victorian goldfields. Australia’s first rush began in the western sector of NSW, predating Victoria by just a few months, but broadly contemporaneous except NSW of much shorter duration (and far lower intensity and scale).
Similarities to the Victorian Goldfields include alluvial and hard-rock gold mining landscapes (including deep leads), a settlement pattern directly related to the permanency of gold mining, a familiar gold rush architecture (although far less well developed), and evidence of the early involvement of Chinese in alluvial mining and goldfields commerce.
Differences as compared to the Victorian Goldfields include a much lower integrity of alluvial mining landscapes, with most gold rush sites having continued to be worked in the twentieth century with the resultant loss of original gold rush features. The overall scale of the NSW Goldfields is magnitudes smaller, corresponding to a much lower production and resulting in a far smaller group of gold rush settlements with less architectural flair and flamboyance.
Conclusion. Not closely comparable. Important historically, albeit nationally more so than internationally, but less so in terms of integrity whereby a comparatively small number of high-quality mining sites survive (mostly sluicing). Some, however, remain in association with well-preserved small-scale settlements such as Sofala and especially Hill End with associated alluvial sluicing, and hard rock shaft mines which include one exceptional example of quartz roasting kilns.
Eastern Goldfields of Western Australia, separated from Victoria (and NSW) by a considerable distance and considered far more remote, has a very different topography and a harsh dry climate with semi desert. Access was perilous in the early prospecting years and transport systems were also very different. Water, essential for the permanency of gold mining, was very scarce and unreliable until piped water was supplied from Perth to Kalgoorlie in 1903. The goldfields share a British colonial context with Victoria and are the largest and richest of many goldfields that span much of Western Australia. Annual production initially surpassed Victoria and they remain a major gold producer.
Similarities to the Victorian Goldfields include gold production sourced initially from alluvial gold deposits swiftly complemented by hard-rock deposits (quartz), deep shaft and open cut mining, and an exceptional example of a gold rush town with outstanding and well-protected gold rush architecture (Kalgoorlie-Boulder).
Differences as compared to the Victorian Goldfields include a very different alluvial mining landscape which does not illustrate the intense individual diggers’ claims nor the use of water that characterises the water management and exploitation techniques used in Victoria - WA was predominantly a ‘dry blowing’ field during the early alluvial rushes. The alluvial fields possess low integrity and authenticity because most areas have been intensively reworked, including more recent bulldozing to bedrock. All open cut mines continued to be expanded through the twentieth century so do not possess anything like their gold rush character when compared to Eureka Reef (Chewton) in Victoria. Indeed, the principal historic hard rock mines of the ‘Golden Mile’ are now subsumed in a super-pit operation, with other historic hard-rock mines in similar albeit smaller scale situations. There is little of the historic goldfields that has not, or is not, being worked and Kalgoorlie-Boulder is still a mining town. Only a few smaller historic towns survive to any degree, many having simply vanished (many buildings were sold, dismantled, or simply having been moved and re-erected elsewhere).
Conclusion. Not closely comparable. An exceptional historic urban landscape in Kalgoorlie, with outstanding Federation/High Victorian architecture, is complemented by a few other settlements such as Leonora-Gwalia where an important company town is preserved, and Coolgardie which contains a few surviving important buildings in an original plan. The primary mining landscape relating to the gold rush is fragmentary, lacks integrity and, in general, authenticity also, with little protection having been conferred upon it.
Charters Towers Goldfield is located in north-eastern Queensland, separated from Victoria by a considerable distance and considered somewhat more remote, with a hotter, drier climate. It is the principal historic goldfield in Queensland and shares a British colonial context with a direct relationship in goldfields administration, licencing, and law and order.
Similarities to the Victorian Goldfields include remains (albeit scant) of deep shaft mining, an exceptional gold battery (Venus), an outstanding example of a gold rush town (Charters Towers) with impressive gold rush architecture together with another small, but nonetheless impressive, gold rush town at Ravenswood.
Differences as compared to the Victorian Goldfields include little survival of the early gold rush alluvial fields and substantial lack of integrity in terms of historical hard rock mining. That at Ravenswood is destroyed and overprinted by modern mining.
Conclusion. Not closely comparable. Charters Towers is an exceptional gold rush town with well-preserved, conserved and protected buildings (a number of which are compatibly and successfully repurposed). With one or two exceptions, however, primary gold rush mining landscapes have low integrity and authenticity.
International comparisons
Closely comparable properties to Victorian Goldfields are globally limited to only the Californian (Sierra Nevada) Goldfields in the USA, not on any list. Two further properties were noted as partly comparable - Tr’ondëk–Klondike (Canada) on the World Heritage List, the first property to be inscribed in association with a Californian-Victorian type gold rush landscape, and Central Otago Goldfields in New Zealand, not on any list, but closely associated with Victoria as a successor Australasian gold rush albeit of a much smaller magnitude. Each are clearly differentiated.
Californian Goldfields spans the western foothills of the Sierra Nevada mountains, California, USA. It represents, along with Victorian Goldfields, the seminal and typological gold rush landscape that signifies the modern international gold rushes that are the focus of this comparative study. The climate (high rainfall/snowmelt) and topography (mountainous with abundance of rivers/water), contrasts with Victoria, with similarly abundant alluvial gold being found largely in fast-flowing rivers which erase original gold rush attributes of the individual gold-seeker (all rivers were also subjected to intense dredging). Alluvial operations in California, and extensively sluiced and dredged deposits of ancient higher level terrace gravels, were more suited to groups of miners and highly capitalised companies as opposed to the individual in Victoria. Although there was some overlap, gold-seeking migrants mostly came from different regions to those that arrived in Victoria (being continental Americans, or recently settled Europeans, in the main). They also came from very different organisation and governance, including a frontier community approach to mining law and civil law and order. Finally, there is strongly contrasting involvement and treatment of First Nations people who were subjected to among the most severe of abuses in any Western goldfield. Victoria and California share features of oceanic gateway ports in their setting (Melbourne being comparable to San Francisco or to a lesser extent Sacramento) and each have comparatively easy topographical access, typically taking around a week’s travel inland at the time of the gold rush.
Similarities to the Victorian Goldfields are striking in terms of territorial scale, periodisation, range of deposit types and level of gold production (including large sluicing landscapes, and hard-rock deep underground mines of the Mother Lode belt which are comparable to those of Bendigo, Walhalla and Maldon), and extent of negative environmental impact on traditional territory. A similar number of gold-seeking migrants is recorded in California as in Victoria, and this is reflected in the number and polycentric distribution of gold rush towns, several of which illustrate exceptional boom town or gold rush architecture. As in Victoria, many stayed beyond the principal gold mining phases, so the historical cores of settlements are generally quite well preserved. Chinese were significant in numbers during the alluvial period, although later discrimination and exclusion applied, as in Victoria, so early evidence is chronologically constrained. Mining technologies employed, and the duration and permanence of the goldfields, also share close similarities with Victoria so the dating of attributes is broadly contemporary.
Differences as compared to the Victorian Goldfields are substantially related to a much lower integrity and authenticity of the gold rush primary mining landscape, particularly the ‘diggings’ type. The Victorian deep leads with their steam pumping legacy are unmatched, while in technology terms, puddling machines and quartz roasting kilns are also absent. Women and children made up only a tiny minority in the Californian Gold rush, while in Victoria there were a significant number of women and children in the Goldfields. The Indigenous cultural layer is less legible in the gold rush landscape, the Californian Native Americans suffering some of the worst impacts of any gold rush.
Conclusion. Closely comparable but does not possess high integrity or a high level of state of conservation of the primary gold rush landscape, notably evidence of the gold rush phenomenon of the mass migration of individual international gold-seekers as illustrated in an outstanding manner in Victorian Goldfields. Much of the alluvial gold recovered in the gold rush was found in fast-flowing rivers, unconducive to preservation of features, and most early gold rush primary landscapes have been completely obliterated by successive large-scale sluicing and dredging. Californian Goldfields is unlikely to be nominated to the World Heritage List, although there is some aspiration to consider a serial nomination of the prominent state parks of the Marshall Gold Discovery site at Coloma, Malakoff Diggins State Historic Park hydraulic sluicing site, the Empire Mine at Grass Valley, and possibly Columbia as the best-preserved California gold town. The detail of these sites is covered in an inventory (the National Register of Historic Places), and comparisons with Victorian Goldfields further elaborated.
Coloma, sited on the South Fork of the American River, has lower authenticity and integrity in terms of gold rush alluvial mining because the fast-flowing river has been moved and dredged multiple times, its wide banks comprising levelled dredge tailings. There are interesting original elements, however, including church and cemetery, masonic lodge, stores, and other buildings, an early vineyard, and a recently surveyed Chinese cemetery where bodies were shallow-buried before retrieving bones several years later for shipment back to the homelands. Malakoff Diggings hydraulic sluicing site is typical of a large Californian mountainside sluicing operation, similar to the smaller sites in Castlemaine. There is an accompanying village nearby.
Columbia is one of the best of a dozen gold rush towns that span the Sierras. It retains authentic and restored buildings on the original plan. The original diggings are partially discernible. The Empire Mine at Grass Valley is an impressive hard-rock gold mine site with an intact shaft-head ensemble and mine yard, an open collar to an impressive inclined shaft, stamp battery and ore-processing remains. There is also a large adjacent ‘cottage’ with gardens built for the owner. Empire ranks as one of the oldest, deepest, and richest mines in California. While this collective potential does not match the integrity of the extensive cultural landscape of Victorian Goldfields, it nonetheless has the potential to demonstrate an outstanding small gold rush series.
Tr’ondëk–Klondike, inscribed in the World Heritage List, is located in the mountainous, and sparsely populated central Yukon Territory of north-west Canada. Here the region experiences a very different sub-Arctic climate of severely low winter temperatures with permafrost at -1.8 m and high rainfall/snowmelt that create an abundance of rivers, lakes, and general availability of water. It also has a contrasting topography that is mountainous and covered with snow for much of the year, the Yukon also freezing over each winter. There were therefore far greater challenges in terms of accessibility and seasonal possibilities for mining. The trails (or routes) to the goldfields were world famous for their 800-kilometre-long, arduous, and perilous character, featured extensively in mass journalism that now characterised the period. Out of around 100,000 who attempted to reach the Klondike, only 30-40,000 ‘stampeders’—again, as in California, almost entirely male—made it to Dawson where access was only by the Yukon River throughout the gold rush. They were mostly American (over 60 per cent) and Canadian, as opposed to mostly British in Victoria, and less than half became prospectors. Most left within a year or two, compared to the 300,000 and more who arrived in Victoria, many of whom stayed. The goldfields share a colonial context with Victoria and likewise the occupation of First Nations’ traditional territory following an alluvial gold rush of significant proportions.
Similarities to Victorian Goldfields include an extensive negative environmental impact. Although First Nations peoples were massively impacted through displacement onto reservations, loss of fishing and hunting grounds, and suffered severely from introduced diseases, their notable agency in gold prospecting, mining and gold rush commerce is proving through research to be of a similar nature to the Victorian Goldfields. A similar approach to mining law and civil law and order resulted in a high degree of order on the goldfields, as evidenced by administrative, municipal and Northwest Mounted Police buildings in Dawson City which is the preeminent Klondike gold rush town (mining centre) that sprang up as a boom town at the node of river transport and the goldfields. The original surveyed urban plan remains legible and contains notable gold rush architecture. Other, mostly archaeological and much smaller, settlements are included which indicate some smaller sites of gold occurrences and multiple locations where First Nations were displaced from or relocated to.
Differences as compared to Victorian Goldfields start with a gold rush that was very short lived (around two years), with surviving primary gold mining landscapes being excluded from the inscription due to a lack of authenticity and integrity in relation to the gold rush, coupled with the widespread continuity of mining (mostly reworking). Alluvial gold was found in rivers (whose courses have been changed multiple times and whose annual peak flows and floods modify bed load) that were also extensively sluiced and intensively dredged at an early period, as well as in high level ancient terrace gravels, shaft-mined at an early period but subsequently extensively sluiced and reworked repeatedly including in the present day. Although a substantial amount of gold was produced during the first decade, overall production is much smaller. The main rush was one of the last great gold rushes of the nineteenth century (1897-98), almost 50 years after the Californian and Victorian rushes started.
Conclusion. Partly comparable to Victorian Goldfields, although the key theme of the Tr’ondëk–Klondike World Heritage property is ‘Indigenous people’s evolving experience of, and adaptation to, European colonialism at the turn of the twentieth century.’ The displacement of First Nations, and their endurance and coexistence with an invasion of gold rush ‘stampeders’, is tracked via component parts which illustrate the experiences of both the colonised and the coloniser. Primary gold mining landscapes are excluded due to their lack of authenticity in relation to proposed Outstanding Universal Value. Contemporary gold rush mining landscapes do not survive due to successive and early large-scale industrial mining (sluicing and dredging) which prolonged output but also led to the eradication of contemporary gold rush attributes and irreversible landform-scale modification. Shallow mining continues on an extensive but comparatively small scale (bulldozing/earthmoving/reprocessing old tailings), although only two small sites remain protected as National Historic Sites - Discovery Claim on Bonanza Creek, and Dredge No. 4. Mountainous gold rush routes from the Alaskan coast, starting from gold rush port settlements like Skagway (where many historic buildings survive) and Dyea (a town site only), both of which ultimately joined the Yukon River which carried the stampeders to Dawson City, are not included, nor features along the river and lakes routes.
Central Otago Goldfields is located in the mountainous south-west of South Island, New Zealand. This shares with Victoria its geographical region (Australasia), a British colonial context, and a large territorial scale. The climate is very different with harsh winters (high rainfall/snowmelt) and a contrasting topography (mountainous and abundance of rivers/water) with greater challenges than Victoria in terms of accessibility and seasonal possibilities for mining. Gold was found in 1862 in fast-flowing rivers which erase original gold rush attributes, and in extensively sluiced ancient terrace gravels. Dredging (and successive sluicing) was prolific and erased much early evidence of gold rush workings. Otago experienced a slightly later chronology than the seminal Californian-Victorian rushes, and an overall much smaller production.
Similarities to the Victorian Goldfields include alluvial (river and ancient terrace gravels) and hard-rock deposits that were worked in a similar sequence of technologies, (albeit very little survives of the earliest diggings and even early sluicing), accessibility, technology employed, duration/permanence of the goldfields, and extensive negative environmental impact through mining (especially sluicing and dredging which destroyed most contemporary gold rush evidence, particularly alluvial). Technically, some exemplar sluicing sites survive and are now protected at Quartz Reef Point, Bannockburn, and St Bathans (also an outstanding example of hydraulic elevating) while classic dredging landscapes are illustrated at Ernscleugh. The number of gold rush immigrants was significantly smaller than in Victoria, with most coming from Australia or Britain and others moving on from Victoria. Several historic centres of gold rush towns (mining centres) survive with their original surveyed urban plans and gold rush / boom town architecture. A similar approach to mining law and civil law and order resulted in a high degree of order on the goldfields, reflected in courthouses, police stations and lockups. Chinese were significant in numbers during the alluvial period, although later discrimination and exclusion applied as in Victoria; therefore associated elements are time-bracketed.
Differences compared to the Victorian Goldfields include successive large-scale industrial mining (sluicing and dredging) which prolonged output but also led to the eradication of contemporary gold rush attributes and irreversible landform-scale modification. Hard-rock mining continued but on a much smaller scale as compared to Victoria. A far smaller number of gold-seeking immigrants are reflected in the smaller size and smaller number of gold rush towns.
Conclusion. Partly comparable, but does not illustrate the diversity, scale, integrity, and exceptional state of conservation of the gold rush landscape present in Victoria, including unparalleled evidence of the gold rush phenomenon of the mass migration of individual international gold-seekers. Much of the alluvial gold found in the gold rush was found in fast-flowing rivers, unconducive to preservation, and most early gold rush primary landscapes, including those in valleys, on terraces and plateaus, have been largely obliterated by successive large-scale sluicing and dredging. In these latter categories, however, there are outstanding preserved, and protected landscapes of sluicing, hydraulic elevating, and dredging.
Methodology for selection of Victorian components
The base layer applied in defining the proposed World Heritage cultural landscape was created through the process of ‘attribute mapping’ with reference to the proposed Statement of Outstanding Universal Value and its justification criteria. Landscape categories of gold rush attributes, both rural and urban, were plotted using the Victorian Heritage Database, historic maps, and other sources.
Concentrations and clusters presented hotspots around which target areas or component parts were first created to reflect cohesive geological and topographical character, Traditional Country and First People’s interactions, the dynamic of overlapping gold rushes and their geographical reach, mining districts with outstanding gold production, representative successive mining technologies in their most exceptional landscape contexts, and the polycentric distribution and architectural variation in gold rush settlement types. Careful attention was paid to cultural, functional, and social, links between component parts.
Tests were then robustly applied with respect to strength of contribution to proposed Outstanding Universal Value, integrity and authenticity, protection, ownership and overall manageability. The ‘whole’, comprising ‘retained candidates’, was then reviewed in the context of global comparative analysis and adjusted accordingly.
Rationale and justification for the selection of component parts
The rationale behind the selection of component parts is guided by the mapping of ‘essential’ attributes that collectively demonstrate proposed Outstanding Universal Value of a gold rush and gold mining cultural landscape that is spatially discontinuous and therefore demands a serial approach to satisfy integrity.
1. Castlemaine Goldfields and Historic Townships, contains the world’s pre-eminent alluvial gold diggings, representing Victoria’s first major gold rush, together with exemplar townships that contribute to the overall spatial pattern and number of gold rush settlements and their architectural and cultural attributes; 2. Creswick and the Deep Lead Landscape is an unparalleled example of this rare type of gold mining; 3. Bendigo Historic Urban Landscape is one of the world’s most notable global gold rush cities; much of Victorian gold production came from here, and its layout and boom-era ‘golden’ architecture is of an unsurpassed type, quality, and scale; 4. Great Nuggets Historic Landscape embraces small townships and specific diggings that yielded the greatest concentration of the largest gold nuggets the world had ever known; 5. Walhalla Alpine Mining Landscape marks the southeastern extent of the nominated property and contributes a singular steep topography that guided settlement centred on Victoria’s richest gold mine, together with contrasting climate and vegetation; and 6. Lalgambuk (Mt Franklin) is an area that evidences Aboriginal connection to Country before, during and after the gold rushes.